Years ago I used to recommend a Fedi platform called Lemmy. However, in 2021 some very disturbing stuff about Lemmy's developers came out which totally changed my mind. Because of this, I did a thread to warn people about Lemmy and then never mentioned them again.
Today a mod on this account's old server deleted the 2021 thread, without any explanation but apparently by mistake.
If you're looking for the thread, it's on the Internet Archive:
4 other #sheriff’s deputies & a Richland #Police Dpt officer,all #White, also pleaded #guilty & are scheduled for sentencing this week. …Federal prosecutors said the #Mississippi officers — who called themselves the “Goon squad” — forced entry into a #Braxton, MS, home on Jan 24, 2023, w/o a warrant & #assaulted the 2 #Black victims, #MichaelCoreyJenkins & #EddieParker, w/a stun gun, sex toy & other objects.
"It is thus far from cynical to argue that these purported humanitarian interventions are anything other than a stalling tactic designed to allow the US and Israel time needed to achieve their ultimate political aims and objectives – an ethnically cleansed Gaza." https://www.juancole.com/2024/03/western-genocide-humanitarian.html
Ghassan Kanafani in the 70s dealt with the same problems we have now:
“Because this is something that cannot be avoided.” In fact, though, this phrase is an extension of the widely used Israeli slogan that “A good Arab is a dead Arab.”
"Thus, Team Biden has a pretty standard P.R. problem on their hands: They’re not going to change their support for genocide, but they need to chip away at the growing discontent and cynicism among their base. Thus, at least in the United States, the US-Israeli destruction of Gaza is fundamentally a P.R. war."
~ “Knowledge is Israel’s worst enemy. Awareness is Israel’s most hated and feared foe.”
In that 2014 article, “There are no poems of mass destruction,” he wondered why Israel would bomb the Islamic University of Gaza, where he taught literature. ~
By Amna Shabana https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/refaat-alareer-lives/
"It is almost as if the world is telling us a morbid joke: we will kill you if you resist and kill you if you hide, and if you refuse, and if you concede, and we will devour your land and gulp your oceans and kill you with hunger and thirst."
By Mohammed El-Kurd https://mondoweiss.net/2024/03/are-we-indeed-all-palestinians/
(The guardian with two?? They fired nathan robinson for a joke on social media relating to the US stance supporting Israeli war crimes, so hold your applause...)
On the dehumanization of Palestinians. "You don't become genocidal in one day." If you have seen the videos of Israelis dressing up as Palestinian victims to mock them, you know: https://www.instagram.com/reel/C4grb9-uaU5/
Tik Tok - Israel views info as a threat so US bans it
This Republican-led push for censorship has been reinforced by behind-the-scenes pressure from pro-war celebrities, Zionist groups like the ADL, and tech executives like the former executive of dating app Tinder Jeff Morris Jr, who is “convinced” TikTok “is the reason we’re losing the information war with high school & college students.” All of them have pressed TikTok to censor more pro-Palestine content. https://jacobin.com/2024/03/tiktok-ban-israel-gaza-free-speech
#Palestine#Gaza#Genocide#Israel#HumanRights: "In a fresh alert about the disastrous humanitarian emergency still unfolding in the enclave, the UN agency for Palestinians, UNRWA, said on Friday that it will “take years” before the Strip is made safe again.
The lives of more than two million Gazans have been devastated by daily Israeli bombardment, since Hamas-led terror attacks in Israel on 7 October, the UN agency noted in a post on X, formerly Twitter.
As the largest relief agency in Gaza, UNWRA continues to provide lifesaving supplies and services to more than 1.5 million displaced people in the south of the enclave. The agency runs shelters for more than one million people, providing them with humanitarian relief and primary healthcare."
‘Welcome to Hell’: #UN Panel Says Russian #WarCrimes Are Widespread
In a report headed to the #HumanRights Council in #Geneva next week, an investigative commission outlines the ongoing torture & starvation of Ukrainian prisoners.
The commission will deliver a report to the #HumanRights Council in Geneva next week, detailing accounts of torture from 4 locations in #Russia & 7 in occupied #Ukraine, strengthening previous findings that the use of #torture had become widespread & systematic.
“We are concerned at the scale, continuation & gravity of violations & #crimes that the commission has investigated & the impact on victims,“ Erik Mose, chairman of the 3-person panel, said in a stmnt.
Today in Labor History March 14, 1978: Israel Defense Forces launched Operation Litani, a seven-day invasion and occupation of southern Lebanon. They were retaliating for the Coastal Road massacre, near Tel Aviv, by Lebanon-based Palestinian militants. Up to 2,000 Lebanese and Palestinian fighters and civilians died, as did 20 Israeli soldiers. The conflict displaced 250,000 Lebanese civilians. The United Nations Security Council adopted 2 resolutions calling on Israel to immediately withdraw from Lebanon.
President Emmanuel #Macron said on Sun for the first time that he backed new #EndOfLife#legislation that would allow what he called “help to die" & wanted his govt to put forward a draft bill to parliament in May.
Hope this will be meaningful ... but not holding my breath.
Performative?
They supply the bombs which kill the babies & destroy all infrastructure, water, food, hospitals, schools, etc. then complain that there is no humanitarian aid being allowed in after their ordinance did the bombing and killing? ?
Just a way to make money at both ends? but hoping Palestinian children get to eat.
♲ @faab64@diasp.org:> ### Rosa Luxemburg: Women’s Suffrage and Class Struggle (1912)
“Why are there no organizations for working women in Germany? Why do we hear so little about the working women’s movement?” With these questions, Emma Ihrer, one of the founders of the proletarian women’s movement of Germany, introduced her 1898 essay, Working Women in the Class Struggle. Hardly fourteen years have passed since, but they have seen a great expansion of the proletarian women’s movement. More than a hundred fifty thousand women are organized in unions and are among the most active troops in the economic struggle of the proletariat. Many thousands of politically organized women have rallied to the banner of Social Democracy: the Social Democratic women’s paper [Die Gleichheit, edited by Clara Zetkin] has more than one hundred thousand subscribers; women’s suffrage is one of the vital issues on the platform of Social Democracy.
Exactly these facts might lead you to underrate the importance of the fight for women’s suffrage. You might think: even without equal political rights for women we have made enormous progress in educating and organizing women. Hence, women’s suffrage is not urgently necessary. If you think so, you are deceived. The political and syndical awakening of the masses of the female proletariat during the last fifteen years has been magnificent. But it has been possible only because working women took a lively interest in the political and parliamentary struggles of their class in spite of being deprived of their rights. So far, proletarian women are sustained by male suffrage, which they indeed take part in, though only indirectly. Large masses of both men and women of the working class already consider the election campaigns a cause they share in common. In all Social Democratic electoral meetings, women make up a large segment, sometimes the majority. They are always interested and passionately involved. In all districts where there is a firm Social Democratic organization, women help with the campaign. And it is women who have done invaluable work distributing leaflets and getting subscribers to the Social Democratic press, this most important weapon in the campaign.
The capitalist state has not been able to keep women from taking on all these duties and efforts of political life. Step by step, the state has indeed been forced to grant and guarantee them this possibility by allowing them union and assembly rights. Only the last political right is denied women: the right to vote, to decide directly on the people’s representatives in legislature and administration, to be an elected member of these bodies. But here, as in all other areas of society, the motto is: “Don’t let things get started!” But things have been started. The present state gave in to the women of the proletariat when it admitted them to public assemblies, to political associations. And the state did not grant this voluntarily, but out of necessity, under the irresistible pressure of the rising working class. It was not least the passionate pushing ahead of the proletarian women themselves which forced the Prusso-German police state to give up the famous “women’s section”[A] in gatherings of political associations and to open wide the doors of political organizations to women. This really set the ball rolling. The irresistible progress of the proletarian class struggle has swept working women right into the whirlpool of political life. Using their right of union and assembly, proletarian women have taken a most active part in parliamentary life and in election campaigns. It is only the inevitable’ consequence, only the logical result of the movement that today millions of proletarian women call defiantly and with self-confidence: Let us have suffrage!
Once upon a time, in the beautiful era of pre-1848 absolutism, the whole working class was said not to be “mature enough” to exercise political rights. This cannot be said about proletarian women today, because they have demonstrated their political maturity. Everybody knows that without them, without the enthusiastic help of proletarian women, the Social Democratic Party would not have won the glorious victory of January 12, [1912], would not have obtained four and a quarter million votes. At any rate, the working class has always had to prove its maturity for political freedom by a successful revolutionary uprising of the masses. Only when Divine Right on the throne and the best and noblest men of the nation actually felt the calloused fist of the proletariat on their eyes and its knee on their chests, only then did they feel confidence in the political “maturity” of the people, and felt it with the speed of lightning. Today, it is the proletarian woman’s turn to make the capitalist state conscious of her maturity. This is done through a constant, powerful mass movement which has to use all the means of proletarian struggle and pressure.
Women’s suffrage is the goal. But the mass movement to bring it about is not a job for women alone, but is a common class concern for women and men of the proletariat. Germany’s present lack of rights for women is only one link in the chain of the reaction that shackles the people’s lives. And it is closely connected with the other pillar of the reaction: the monarchy. In advanced capitalist, highly industrialized, twentieth-century Germany, in the age of electricity and airplanes, the absence of women’s political rights is as much a reactionary remnant of the ‘dead past as the reign by Divine Right on the throne. Both phenomena-the instrument of heaven as the leading political power, and woman, demure by the fireside, unconcerned with the storms of public life, with politics and class struggle-both phenomena have their roots in the rotten circumstances of the past, in the times of serfdom in the country and guilds in the towns. In those times, they were justifiable and necessary. But both monarchy and women’s lack of rights have been uprooted by the development of modern capitalism, have become ridiculous caricatures. They continue to exist in our modern society, not just because people forgot to abolish them, not just because of the persistence and inertia of circumstances. No, they still exist because both-monarchy as well as women without rights-have become powerful tools of interests inimical to the people. The worst and most brutal advocates of the exploitation and enslavement of the proletariat are entrenched behind throne and altar as well as behind the political enslavement of women. Monarchy and women’s lack of rights have become the most important tools of the ruling capitalist class.
In truth, our state is interested in keeping the vote from working women and from them alone. It rightly fears they will threaten the traditional institutions of class rule, for instance militarism (of which no thinking proletarian woman can help being a deadly enemy), monarchy, the systematic robbery of duties and taxes on groceries, etc. Women’s suffrage is a horror and abomination for the present capitalist state because behind it stand millions of women who would strengthen the enemy within, i.e., revolutionary Social Democracy. If it were a matter of bourgeois ladies voting, the capitalist state could expect nothing but effective support for the reaction. Most of those bourgeois women who act like lionesses in the struggle against “male prerogatives” would trot like docile lambs in the camp of conservative and clerical reaction if they had suffrage. Indeed, they would certainly be a good deal more reactionary than the male part of their class. Aside from the few who have jobs or professions, the women of the bourgeoisie do not take part in social production. They are nothing but co-consumers of the surplus value their men extort from the proletariat. They are parasites of the parasites of the social body. And consumers are usually even more rabid and cruel in defending their “right” to a parasite’s life than the direct agents of class rule and exploitation. The history of all great revolutionary struggles confirms this in a horrible way. Take the great French Revolution. After the fall of the Jacobins, when Robespierre was driven in chains to the place of execution the naked whores of the victory-drunk bourgeoisie danced in the streets, danced a shameless dance of joy around the fallen hero of the Revolution. And in 1871, in Paris, when the heroic workers’ Commune was defeated by machine guns, the raving bourgeois females surpassed even their bestial men in their bloody revenge against the suppressed proletariat. The women of the property-owning classes will always fanatically defend the exploitation and enslavement of the working people by which they indirectly receive the means for their socially useless existence.
Economically and socially, the women of the exploiting classes are not an independent segment of the population.. Their only social function is to be tools of the natural propagation of the ruling classes. By contrast, the women of the proletariat are economically independent. They are productive for society like the men. By this I do not mean their bringing up children or their housework which helps men support their families on scanty wages. This kind of work is not productive in the sense of the present capitalist economy no matter how enormous an achievement the sacrifices and energy spent, the thousand little efforts add up to. This is but the private affair of the worker, his happiness and blessing, and for this reason nonexistent for our present society. As long as capitalism and the wage system rule, only that kind of work is considered productive which produces surplus value, which creates capitalist profit. From this point of view, the music-hall dancer whose legs sweep profit into her employer’s pocket is a productive worker, whereas all the toil of the proletarian women and mothers in the four walls of their homes is considered unproductive. This sounds brutal and insane, but corresponds exactly to the brutality and insanity of our present capitalist economy. And seeing this brutal reality clearly and sharply is the proletarian woman’s first task.
For, exactly from this point of view, the proletarian women’s claim to equal political rights is anchored in firm economic ground. Today, millions of proletarian women create capitalist profit like men-in factories, workshops, on farms, in home industry, offices, stores. They are therefore productive in the strictest scientific sense of our present society. Every day enlarges the hosts of women exploited by capitalism. Every new progress in industry or technology creates new places for women in the machinery of capitalist profiteering. And thus, every day and every step of industrial progress adds a new stone to the firm foundation of women’s equal political rights. Female education and intelligence have become necessary for the economic mechanism itself. The narrow, secluded woman of the patriarchal “family circle” answers the needs of industry and commerce as little as those of politics. It is true, the capitalist state has neglected its duty even in this respect. So far, it is the unions and the Social Democratic organizations that have done most to awaken the minds and moral sense of women. Even decades ago, the Social Democrats were known as the most capable and intelligent German workers. Likewise, unions and Social Democracy have today lifted the women of the proletariat out of their stuffy, narrow existence, out of the miserable and petty mindlessness of household managing. The proletarian class struggle has widened their horizons, made their minds flexible, developed their thinking, shown them great goals for their efforts. Socialism has brought about the mental rebirth of the mass of proletarian women-and thereby has no doubt also made them capable productive workers for capital.
Considering all this, the proletarian woman’s lack of political rights is a vile injustice, and the more so for being by now at least half a lie. After all, masses of women take an active part in political life. However, Social Democracy does not use the argument of “injustice.” This is the basic difference between us and the earlier sentimental, utopian socialism. We do not depend on the justice of the ruling classes, but solely on the revolutionary power of the working masses and on the course of social development which prepares the ground for this power. Thus, injustice by itself is certainly not an argument with which to overthrow reactionary institutions. If, however, there is a feeling of injustice in large segments of society – says Friedrich Engels, the co-founder of scientific socialism – it is always a sure sign that the economic bases of the society have shifted considerably, that the present conditions contradict the march of development. The present forceful movement of millions of proletarian women who consider their lack of political rights a crying wrong is such an infallible sign, a sign that the social bases of the reigning system are rotten and that its days are numbered.
A hundred years ago, the Frenchman Charles Fourier, one of the first great prophets of socialist ideals, wrote these memorable words: In any society, the degree of female emancipation is the natural measure of the general emancipation.[B] This is completely true for our present society. The current mass struggle for women’s political rights is only an expression and a part of the proletariat’s general struggle for liberation. In this lies its strength and its future. Because of the female proletariat, general, equal, direct suffrage for women would immensely advance and intensify the proletarian class struggle. This is why bourgeois society abhors and fears women’s suffrage. And this is why we want and will achieve it. Fighting for women’s suffrage, we will also hasten the coming of the hour when the present society falls in ruins under the hammer strokes of the revolutionary proletariat.
[A] The “women’s section” had been instituted in 1902 by the Prussian Minister von Hammerstein. According to this disposition, a special section of the room was reserved for women at political meetings.
[B] Though Rosa Luxemburg could not have known it, Karl Marx cites these same words in the third of the Economic and Philosophical Manuscnpis of 1844 when he discusses the nature of communist society.
Today in Labor History March 7, 1996: A crowd of 3,000 workers destroyed the Freeport copper mine facilities in Tamika, Irian Jaya (West Papua). They took this action after a company security guard ran over a member of the Dani clan. Protesters kept operations shut down and demanded an end to human rights violations, eco-terrorism and cultural genocide by the company. Overnight, the international price of copper jumped from $15 per ton to $2580 per ton.